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Dennis Locorriere

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The timber export from the Tysvær area in the 16th and 17th century

Arnvid Lillehammer has made his studies of the whole area of Ryfylke.[i] In this lecture, I will do some more specific studies of the timber trade consequences for the area which today includes the Tysvær municipality. The area covers the old custom-port of Nedstrand (40 km north of Stavanger), the old parishes of Nedstrand and Tysvær, as well as some parts of the old parishes of Skjold, Avaldsnes, Vats and Vikedal.



Svein Ivar Langhelle:




Arnvid Lillehammer has made his studies of the whole area of Ryfylke.[1] In this lecture, I will do some more specific studies of the timber trade consequences for the area which today includes the Tysvær municipality. The area covers the old custom-port of Nedstrand (40 km north of Stavanger), the old parishes of Nedstrand and Tysvær, as well as some parts of the old parishes of Skjold, Avaldsnes, Vats and Vikedal.


We don't know the total amount, but during the period 1605-1623, on an average, roughly 4000 shillings a year may have been paid in custom for timber exported by Tysvær farmers. We don't know the accurate value of this goods. On goods not specified in the custom tariff, the rate should be one fourth of the value. If that is correct, the value was close to 16000 shillings a year, or the value of 100 cows.[2] On the other hand, the real value was probably much higher: The rate of the most important single product, the deals, was at least 10-15 times higher than the custom tariff.[3] In that case, on an average, the value of the export could have been as much as 60000 shillings a year, or as much as the value of 400 cows. I think, it's most realistic to figure the value of the timber export to ten times the custom tariff. Hereafter I'll use this as standard, even if we must emphasize that the figures are rather uncertain. But in this case, the export of timbers has given the farmers the same income as by selling 250 cows - 8-10% of all their cows, anually. I don't know how many cattle the farmers had in this period, but in 1668 a typical farmer had 10 to 12 cows.


But this was only the export, and the part of it that was not smuggled out. The sale of timber at the local market is unknown, while the smuggling was probably not so small.[4] Altogether, the annual income from the timber trade must have played a very important and decisive role in the local economy.


Among the most important ports of export in the Tysvær area 1610-1647, more than 40% of the ships called at Skjoldastraumen. The summer of 1615, for instance, nine ships, all of them Scottish, visited Skjoldastraumen for loading timber.


During the period of more detailed information about the export, the Scots dominated, even if the Dutch occasionally overtook them. The Dutch are here including people both from Holland and Friesland. The differences were that the Scots called almost every year, while the amount of Dutchmen varied from one year to another. After 1623, we haven't registered any Dutch ship, while the Scots were even more dominating. There were, also, a certain amount of ships from other countries, in the years after 1632 especially from Holstein, but also from Norway, Denmark, Bremen, Lübeck, Wismar and English ports.


Were the Dutch first?

We don't know when the great timber export first started, but it might have been the Dutch who were the first.


Ryfylke, and the Tysvær-area, was centrally situated along the northern fairway, and therefore we have every reason to believe that our area took part in an early export of timber. The sawmill came into use in Norway in the early 1500's, and could have been used here too, a few years later, though we have no information about this. Anyway, they might have exported cut beams, a product that in the early years after 1600 were playing as big a part as the deals.


In 1519, some of the farmers in Neset, partly paid their taxes in "deventer", probably clothes from the dutch Deventer-market. In the same local area the number of farmers were reduced after 1520, from 12 in 1520 to 7 in 1563 and 9 in 1606. Not before the middle of the 17th century, the 1520-niveau was passed over. Addintionally, there are signs of degradation at the beginning of the 17th century. We of course don't know, but have to ask if this is indications of an early timber-export.


In Holland and Friesland, the ports surrounding Ijseelmeer were completely dominating the known timber trade in the Tysvær-area: Towns and cities like Medemblik, Enkhuizen, Hoorn, Edam, Monnikendam, Amsterdam, Hindeloopen, Staveren and Workum. In addition to materials for housebuilding, we assume some of the Dutch timber import were used in the shipyards, The Dutch bought most of the typical shipbuilding-timbers, such as masts and pump-trees.  On the other hand, the Dutch were calling at ports all over Europe, and some of the timber might have been exported to other countries, f.e. to the mines of North-East England.


The Scottish trade.

The sawmills came to Ryfylke in the 1550's, and then the timber trade really began.[5] The trade with Scotland goes back at least to this period. In 1633 some outstanding men witnessed in the name of the public, that they had never heard or known otherwise than that foreign skippers came to Ryfylke and traded timber for linen and shoes, both typical Scottish products.[6] In 1547, a letter went from the king to every sheriff on the Norwegian coast. In this letter, the sheriffs were asked to see to that the Scots didnt't share their pirate goods on the Norwegian shores.[7] This might have been a reaction to the fact that the Scots already at that time traded timber in change of goods. The export of timber was illegal, and this could be the background for the king's reaction. The Scots also interfered with the burger' and their trading.


There were many complaints about the prohibition of the timber export before it was lifted in 1564. In 1567, there were 38 foreign vessels in the Ryfylke fjords. Of these 25 were Scots, and the rest were Germans, Frisians and English.[8]


The Scots also later dominated the timber trade in Ryfylke. The Scots received only small amounts of typical shiptimber, which make us believe that the shipyards didn't play a big role in purchasing. Most likely, the export to Scotland must have been for building, and perhaps some for the growing coalmine industry.


In Scotland, the ships came from all of the North Sea coast, from Dunbar east of Edinburgh in the south, up to Kirkwall in the Orkneys in the north - though it was far between the ships from the Highlands. Beyond this, one single ship came from Glasgow. About half of the ships came from the county of Fife. Especially important was the district from Fife Ness, heading west along the northern bank of Firth of Forth, ports like Crail, Anstruther, Pittenweem, St.Monans, Elie, Largo, Leven, Dysart and Kirkcaldy - several are today rather small towns and ports. Among these ports, Anstruhter was the most important.


Second in importance was the coast of Tayside, from where about one fourth of the vessels came. No city had more vessels in this trade than Dundee.


Indications of a boom before 1600.

In the Tysvær area, there are strong indications of a boom in the late 1500's. The population grew from 1520 to 1563, and this led to new settling on farms that had been deserted since the days of the Black Death. The increase in population, and  this settling, continued from 1563 to 1602, and then even further. Generally, people preferred the farms with the best soil for farming, but in the Tysvær area there are some interesting exceptions: In the 1500's, farms with meagre soil for farming - but with rich forests - were settled, while farms with better soil were still deserted. Some of the "popular" farms of the 1500's have been deserted again in the 1900's - as the only ones in the area. This tells us, the size of the woods were decisive for settling and that they prefered the timber trade rather than crops.


There were 11 sawmills at the beginning of the 1600's, and we can use this as another indication of a boom in the late 1500's: It is difficult to understand this number of sawmills, if not because of a very interesting business at the end of the 1500's. For exemple, there was a sawmill on the outlaying farm Øvre Amdal before 1595. From this sawmill and this farm, they had to do a lot of transportation before selling. It's likely that such a place lately came into production - only when the timer-boom had lasted for some years.[9]


Lively mutual trade.  

The timber trade was surely the most important, but far from the only existing trade between these countries. The specifications of what the skippers brought to Ryfylke, are rather incomplete, but give a certain impression anyway.

On some occasions it could have been just an exchange of goods, exchanging the timber against the imported articles. In other occations, the trade was copletely or partly settled in silver coins.


From English ports came grain, peas and clothes, two ships from Bremen and one from Stavanger paid for the timber in cash, while the skipper Jan Jansen from Fredrikstad in Holstein in July 1637 sold 100 liters French brandy and 80 liters of French wine. The custom officer at Nedstrand himself bought 40 liters of brandy, half of it "for his own household".


As far as we know, the Dutch and Frisian skippers imported brandy, malt and hops for the beerproduction, but also food like grain, bread and cheese. In addition, they paid some of it in cash. It is said, some of the Dutch vessels brought local shopkeepers around rural districts,[10] but this is not marked in our sources. Anyway, the Scottish skipper Alexander Spinch brought a shopkeeper in 1672.[11]


It seems that the Scottish trade to a large degree was done through exchange of goods. In the years 1602-1606, only 6 out of 24 Scottish ships paid in cash. Malt was the most usual article, in the year 1646 we know of the import of 85 barrels for brewing beer. On the contrary, the import of hops from Scotland is only known on one occasion.


Most of the imported goods were food, and the Scottish Trade must have played an importent role on the diet, either as a supplement or as an alternative to the local oat, especially in the more "sofisticated" diet. The traditional bread was a thin wafer crispbread, made of oatmeal, but with the import of wheat and rye, they could eat leavened bread. In 1646, the import included 406 barrels of grain, 5 barrels of flour, 11 1/2 barrels of bread and one barrel of wheat-bread. In 1644, the grains were 57 barrels of rye and 12 barrels of barley. Half of the bread were called wheat-bread. In 1605 the wheat-bread is called "tender". In a couple of cases, they imported wheat and oatmeal. Other imported goods, were peas and beans, about 200 liters of brandy and a vessel loaded with salt. In 1611, Edward Robertsen of Dunbar imported a ton of herring. 


I don't know where the rye came from, but it could have been from the Baltic. I can't find any evidence of a triangle trade including Scotland, the European Continent and Norway, but some of the types of goods may indicate such a trade.


Fabrics and shoes were playing a part in the import, as well. We know six ships were importing shoes, four bringing fabrics, three carrying linen, while John Myr in 1646 imported red "pladin". Other articles worth mentioning, are 12 barrels of soft soap, imported by Robert Wollson of Dunbar.


On the other hand, timbers were not the only exported articles. For a long time, horses may have been exported from the area, and in 1568, some farmers were complaining about the export duty for these animals.[12] In 1602-1603, 20 horses were exported: Jacob Boell of La Rochelle, France, and Thybj Zadzkers, Holland, had the horses as their only cargo, while Klaus Korneliussen of Edam, Holland, carried one horse in addition to the timber. Also in 1610, horses were exported to Holland, while Arian Arisen of Medemblik, Holland, at Kalsheimholmen at the port of Nedstrand, in addition to the timber, took in small stones. The stones were duty-free, and he had probably received them free of charge. Later on, hazelnuts were included on the export lists.


Supply and demand.

Export varied much from one year to another. Measured in shipping-tonnage in the years 1620-1622, the average of calling at the eastern district of Leiranger skipreide was 440 lasts. Along with 1615, these were the top tonnage years. Measured by quantity of export, 1615 was probably the top year during the period until 1625. In 1615, farmers and priests living in the area of Tysvær municipality, exported 6228 deals, 6134 pine beams, 36 mast trees, 72480 hoops and 234 cords of firewood.


The Scottish ships were the smallest, in the years before 1623 the average size was a little more than 10 lasts, but in the middle of the 1640's, this rose to about 27,5 lasts. The Scottish vessels could yet be as small as 5 lasts, like John Lynn of Dundee's dogger, which visited Kalsheimholmen in 1611, while Sander Priest of Dundee visited the parish of Vats in 1614 with a fishingship of 6 lasts. These two vessels were probably very similar, because the doggers were used for long line fishing at sea.[13]


The smaller ships must have been rather vulnerable in storms and bad weather across the North Sea, and there must have been several that didn't make port. 11.April 1643, the Scot Ertzball Oelsen of Pittenween's 20 last pinass "Jeanette" went down at Bokn. Yet the timber must have been saved, because David Scott of Montrose took both the skipper and the cargo back in June.[14]


The Dutch vessels were a little bigger than the Scottish, about 20-25lasts, while the ships of other countries mostly were 30-40 lasts.


The ships may in average have been a bit bigger than noted, and we have to include in our reckoning, that several skippers tried to fool the custom officers. The autumn 1636, the Dutchman Jan Freecksz came to Stavanger, asking one of the publicans, the numbers of lasts that ought to be registered to avoid trouble. The answer was 16 lasts. The ship was actually more than twice as big. The skipper loaded 2700 deals, 47 skins, four barrels of nuts and 3 1/2 barrels of tallow, but quoted only 1800 deals to the customs officer.[15] John Durrie of Culross, also tried to get away with less duty by quoting too low loading-ability. In 1643 he registered the size of the fluteship "Fortuna" as 44 lasts, while the custom-officer estimated the ship to 60 lasts. Later on, they found the size was as much as 70 lasts.[16]


As times passed on, the composition of goods changed somewhat. Until 1624, for exports from the Tysvær-area, the custom-values of deals and beams were very much equal: 39% of total custom-value on each group of goods. After 1630 this changed, and the deals represented more than half and the beams under one third of the custom-value. What strikes us even more, is that the beams were getting shorter.


We really don't know very much about the interplay between offer and demand, but it might look as if the demand now and then was greater than the offer.


Aquaintance and friendship?

A carrying trade as big as this, make us suspect that bonds were tied between the foreigners and the local population. For instance, they must have trusted each other when Ole Sandersen of Nedstrand garanteed for the Scot Jacob Hunter in 1673 for 55 dollar which he owed the Nedstrand custom officer, Erik Jørgensen, for timbers.[17]


Were their callings coincidental, or did they return to the same ports and places, to the same farmers year after year? Names like Skottesteinen (i.e. the Scots stone) by the Nedstrand approach, have probably sprung from this trade. Sander Scott and Christoffer Hjelte (i.e. from Shetland) exported timber in 1605, William Scott in 1614, John Scott in 1618, Jørgen Scott in 1623 and Thomas Bruce through several years. Thorbjørn Tysk (i.e. German) lived at Øvre Helle and Thomas Scott at Sandsgård. Thomas Hollendar (i.e. Dutch) is mentioned 1654. These names indicate that some of the foreigners must have settled. William Adamsen from Erie in Scotland lived at Nedstrand, and became a burger in 1665. Anders Willemsen Sandvik might have been from Holland.[18] People from the Scottish Blank-family lived at Ringja. The soldier Sander Robertsen Falkeid's name sounds Scottish, and Hans Koch, a weaver at Ytre Kvam, also had a strange-sounding name. In the following, we a going to find certain pattern in this trade.


The first to be inspected is Gjert Didrichsen of Hoorn in Holland, who visited our area seven times during the years 1610-1612. In these seven trips, Gjert Didrichsen did business six times with Eilif Baustad, four times with the priest Anders Kjellsen and three times with Paul Li. Gjert Didrichsen traded twice with five others, and then with 21 different men only once. Altogether, Gjert Didrichsen traded with 28 different men, mostly farmers of Nedstrand. So we may conclude that Gjert Didrichsen "frequented Nedstrand" and had a certain relationship with Eilif Baustad and Anders the priest - although these important exporters of timber were in touch with a number of skippers.


We can also follow the more specific pattern of Simon Brown of Largo. As far as we know, he called in the Tysvær region six times in the years 1615-1622 - in 1620 he was here with two 20-tons vessels at the same time. Simon Brown did some trading with peasants of the smaller Tysvær parish, among others, three times with Ola Brekke and Ola Tysvær, and twice with Tørres Slogvik, Hans the Weawer in Skjoldastraumen and Holger Lindanger. In addition, Simon Brown did business with 24 different men, 11 of them from the smaller Tysvær parish.


Anyway, acquaintances and friendships were not of currant interest for most of the skippers. It seems that the majority only called once. Using Dundee as an exemple, the city where the biggest part of the vessels came from, 54 ships were addressed Dundee. We have noted Jacob Hey and Sander Priest three times, Jacob Binden, Robert Foster, John Peterson, Walter Rinchen and Gilbert Knight twice. The other 45 skippers just seem to have been registered only once.


From Anstruther I have registered vessels 36, of which 26 were called only once.


These figures might cover the same skipper operating from several ports. On the other hand, I might have

missed cases, different men having the same name.


The most important exporters.

Looking closer at the persons behind the export 1605-1623, we find a few men very dominating. In value, Eilif Baustad alone exported 1/5 of the timber. The five most important exporters, Eilif Baustad, Holger Lindanger, Knut Elfarvik, the priest Anders Kjellsen and his brother, the Stavanger burger Ola Kjellsen, together stood behind one half of the export, using custom value.


These five men especialley dominated the export of deals, and alone stood behind 2/3 of this export. Additionally, considering the other five exporters of more than 900 deals in this period - Helge Svinali, Ingemund Tysvær, Laurits Ringja, Anders Indre Amdal og Peder Indre Kvam, we will find these 10 men exporting 81 % of all the deals - the most valuable timber product.


As for the the pine beams, these 10 men exported 44%. Further on, they exported 23% of the hoops and 37% of the firewood.


As we understand, there was a connection between the status of the exporter and the value of the products: The "big bosses" traded the deals, while the hoops and the firewood were from ordinary farmers.


On an average Eilif Baustad may have exported timber for more than 100 dollar a year. For this money, he could buy 50 cows in the local market.[19] He yearly exported more than 600 deals, 250 pine beams, 5700 hoops and 25 cords of firewood. The quantity of wood, must have been several hundreds cubic meter a year. Eilif invested in land and became an important landowner.


Some of the income from the timber trade must have been used for buying land. Often, they lent money against mortgage in land. Later on, the mortgage became an instrument for taking over this land. For some, the income from the timber trade must have made it possible to buy much-coveted goods, while others stored silver at the bottom of their chests - or invested in jewellery as a reserve of capital and proof of wealth. On the other hand, for many, the income from the timber trade must have helped them survive.  



This extensive timber export resulted in environmental degradation. In the 1600's, only small quantities of timber were exported from Neset in the south-westerly part of the Nedstrand peninsula. We know that pine grows very well in this area, and this part of the coast is close to the routes used by timber vessels calling in Ryfylke.


I don't know, but strongly believe, that the pineforest at Neset was already degradated at the beginning of the 1600's.


The composition of timber shows that the beams become shorter as time passed by. This clearly shows that parts of the woods were close to degradation.


In the 1660's, the farmers of Ryfylke were strongly accused for spoiling the woods.[20] In 1668, an evaluation of the woods was done. Some of the old exporters of timber then received rather bad testimonials.


One of the most obvious cases of shameful felling, may have been the farm of Baustad, where Eilif Baustad, the greatest exporter of all, lived. When the bailiff, on 14.November 1631, took into protection the woods owned by the church and the king, he also took Baustad's wood into protection - as the only private one.[21] In 1668, the only woods left, were some small ones, needed for firewood for the farms own people. The forests don't seem to have grown much during the next 200 years.[22]


Some of the other farms as well, frequently exporting timber in the beginning of the 1600's, only had firewood left in 1668. Many a farm with rich pineforests in the early 1600's, reverted to the opposite a few decades later. It is reasonable to believe that in 1500, the pine forests were covered much the same areas as today. In addition, the deciduous woods must have spread to the areas of the deserted farms. Towards 1600, the wooded parts must have been decreasing, and already before 1600, some areas may have been degraded. This happened, partly because of the timber export through most of the 1500's, and partly because of the growing population's need for deciduous firewood.


Decreasing demand after 1660.

Until 1670, the tendency was that more and more timber was skipped from Ryfylke. At that time, the pressure on the woods must have been harder than ever,[23] even if the export was difficult, due to the English-Dutch war of 1665-1667. The farmers of Ryfylke were complaining, that the burger didn't buy their timber. In Ryfylke, many became short of grain.[24]


It seems that the offer of timber was now greater than the demand, accordingly the farmers and saw owners were to a large degree responsible for the degradation. We can catch a glimpse of this development from the middle of the 1650's, while a long lasting pricefall of beams already started in the middle of the 1630's.[25] It seems as if the farmers answered the fall in prices by cutting more - not to lose further income. This pressed the resources even harder, and the woods were even more destroyed. It was only a question of time, before trading was destroyed by those who depended on it.


Probably the saw owners in our area had problems getting rid of their deals already before the English-Dutch war disturbed the export. When the Scottish privateer Thomas Bennet set fire to the Nedstrand custom house 14.September 1666, the custom officers 7000 good deals were destroyed by the fire.[26]


The farmers total losses of income are very uncertain. Anyway, during a period of 20-30 years, their profit from the woods might have shrunk to a fifth - or even to a tenth - of what it used to be.


Tysvær - a part of Europe.

The export of timber shows how our area, in many ways, was closely attatched to other European countries - particularly those surrounding the North Sea. This must have been the case since the early 1500's, and in the last part of that century this attatchment were growing very strong. The farmers delivered useful goods to the foreigners, and obtained foreign goods for their benefit and enjoyment. This commerce was the real motive power for the development of the wooded rural areas. In the northern and eastern parts of the old parish of Nedstrand, it was the woods more than the land that decided where to settle and find residences. Beyond the dry and scarce information of the early period of timber trading, we sense a kind of "Klondyke-" or "timber trade fever": "Cut the woods! Saw the deals! The foreigners are taking all we can deliver, and paying very well!" This might have been their refrain. A source of wealth for some, a mere security of life and living for others.


The commerce with Europe didn't only decide the settling and prosperity. The activity also brought strange impressions and new knowledge, fun and conflicts. The foreigners, staying for some weeks each year, surely had more associations with the locals than pure business. People were curious about each other regarding language and customs, also finding people to like or dislike. E.g. Odd Kleiberg is known to have visited the custom officer Thomas Christensen, drinking with some Scottish boatswains.[27] Friendship and hostility grew. Some of the foreigners found a girl for a period or for lifetime, probably more than we know settled down. Local boys followed the ships, seeking their fortunes or escaping active service - or an unfortunate fatherhood. Some may have returned from abroad, other stayed - especially in Holland.[28] The contacts with the Scottish eastcoast and the Dutch and Frisian ports must have been closer than the contacts with eastern Norway: The distance to Oslo was very much "longer" than to Dundee, Edinburgh or Amsterdam.


Due to this, the people of the wooded farms knit their destiny closely to the foreigners. Many of them paid for this. When the European market fell, and most of the local forests were cut down, the foundation for the wealth disappeared. Now poverty reached many farms where the farmer had cut recklessly. Several farmers now had to change their axe for the spade or the fishingboat.

[1].For example: In T.C.Smout (ed): Scotland and Europe 1200-1850, Edinburgh 1986, in Grant G.Simpson (ed): Scotland and Scandinavia 800-1800, Edinburgh 1990, and in Hovland and Næss (ed): Frå Vistehola til Ekofisk, volume 1, Stavanger 1987.

[2].The price pr cow is set to two dollars. (After outlay from Anders Mehus in "Handel og vandel" in the Lensrekneskap for 1610-1611.)

[3].The custom-value was at that time 6 shillings pr twelve deals. The number of shillings pr dollar was increasing, and reached 80 in 1617-1618. At that time, the price was one dollar pr twelve deals (Arnvid Lillehammer: Soga om Sauda III, p. 141). The value of the shilling felt from 66 shillings pr dollar in 1604-1605 to 96 shillings pr dollar in 1623-24. Then it became stable (RA: Lensrekneskapa). Until the middle of the 1630's, the price of saw-deals was mostly stable, one dollar pr twelve deals. Later on, the prices had a falling tendency (Stein Tveite: Engelsk-norsk trelasthandel 1640-1710, p. 354). In 1644, the customs in Stavanger estimated the value of 6000 pine-deals to 400 dollar (RA: Lensrekneskapa). In 1683, farmers of Ryfylke were paid 4 to 4 1/2 dollar for one hundred deals (Tingbok Ryfylke 1683, p 6a).

[4].Elgvin: En by i kamp, p. 118f.

[5].Arnvid Lillehammer in Hovland and Næss (ed.): "Fra Vistehola til Ekofisk", I, p. 179.

[6].Tingbok Ryfylke 1629-1635, p. 160. Among these men was Ola Baustad.

[7].Norske Rigs-Registranter 1523-1571, p. 96

[8].Johannes Elgvin: En by i kamp, p. 38.

[9].Norske Herredagsdombøker, 1 R, Dombok 1599, p. 108ff. The landowner in 1595 was Bernt Færøying ("Ferøes", i.e. from Faeroes Islands.)

[10].Stein Tveite: Engelsk-norsk trelasthandel 1640-1710, p. 411.

[11].Tingbok Ryfylke 1671-1672, p 49a-51b.

[12].Norske Herredagsdombøker, 1 R., Dombok 1578, p. 178.

[13].Norsk Historisk Leksikon, p. 72.

[14].RA: Lensrekneskapa for 1643-1644.

[15].Johannes Elgvin: En by i kamp, p. 118f.

[16].RA: Lenrekneskapen, the custom-rolls for 1643-1644.

[17].Samlinger til Stavangers historie, bind III, p. 154.

[18].Tingbok Ryfylke II, 1622-1624, p. 197. Jakob Øverland gave Anders Sandvik "Mange spodsche Ord for hand Wor en Sørlendingh", i.e. he mocked him for beeing from the South. People of southern Norway were usuelly called "Austlendingar", i.e. from the east. Therefore, it is possible, thar Anders Sandvik came from a country further south. In that case, he most likely came from Holland. In the same occation, the priest Anders Kjellsen was mocked for beeing a foreigner. The priest came from Tybo in Denmark.

[19].After the price in the distraint in Anders Mehus' property 1610-1611, RA: Lenrekneskapa, "Handel og Vandel".

[20].Elgvin: En by i kamp, p. 164.

[21].Tingbok Ryfylke Vol V., p. 105 f.

[22].After later taxations: In 1723 the farm had some firewood and some "ubeleilig", i.e. inconvenient forest. In 1803, the farm also had enough for the fireplaces. In 1866, the value of the forest was set to 11 1/2 dollar.

[23].Johannes Elgvin: En by i kamp, p. 188 and p. 402ff. In the 1630's, the deal-export from Ryfylke was between 2760 and 6000 dozen pr year, in the years before 1670, from 4000 to 6600 dozen, in 1665 as low as 1050 dozen. In 1683, the export was 1142 dozen, in 1684 1100 dozen.

[24].RA: Norske Innlegg, 24.juni 1670, here reported from Stein Tveite: Engelsk-norsk trelasthandel 1640-1710, p. 294.

[25].Stein Tveite: Engelsk-norsk trelasthandel 1640-1710, p. 354f.

[26].Tingbok Ryfylke 1666, p 35a-38a.

[27].Tingbok Ryfylke 1652-1657, p. 18ff.

[28] Svein Ivar Langhelle: Tysvær 8. Slik levde dei. Fram til 1820, (Tysvær 1997), p. 205ff.

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